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The only thing uncertain about them is where they will lead,” [3] and expressing the view that “If humanity is to have a recognizable future, it cannot be by prolonging brece past or the present.

Il secolo breve 1914-1991

It is a central thesis of Hobsbawm’s book that, from hobdbawm start, State Socialism betrayed the socialist and internationalist vision it claimed to uphold. Togliatti withdraw the suggestion that, perhaps, social-democracy was not the primary danger, at least in Italy.

Please help improve it by replacing them with more appropriate citations to reliable, independent, third-party sources. The Russian Revolution of was not the revolution of the most advanced capitalist societies predicted by Karl Marx.

In fact it was The great [Chinese] famine ofprobably the greatest famine of the twentieth century: August Learn how and when to remove this template message. Speaking of the future himself, Hobsbawm largely confines himself to predicting continued turmoil: Articles lacking reliable references from August All articles lacking reliable references. This was largely a reaction against the secret treaties arranged among the Allies during the war Hobsbawm goes on to write that “The cultural revolution of the latest twentieth century can thus best be understood as the triumph of the individual over society, or rather, the breaking of the threads which in the past had woven human beings into social textures” [34] and evokes this as paralleling Margaret Thatcher ‘s claim that ‘There is no society, only individuals’.

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Hobsbawm also comments on popular culture, a subject he has left alone in other books. What made such deaths symbolic was that youth, which they represented, was impermanent by definition.


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He finds damning statistics to back up his claim of the total failure of state socialism to promote the general welfare: This page was last edited on 13 Augustat In particular, State Socialism always dispensed with the democratic element of the socialist vision: In one of his few more concrete predictions, he writes that “Social distribution and not growth would dominate the politics of the new millennium.

There is no doubt that Stalin meant all this seriously, and tried to prove it by dissolving the Comintern inand the Communist Party of the United States in As for support for international revolution, “The communist revolutions actually made Yugoslavia, Albania, later China were made against Stalin’s advice. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. The historian cannot but note that the two attitudes are contradictory.

At the natural growth rate of the preceding seven years, which was at least 20 per thousand per year, one would have expected the Chinese population in to have been millions. The Age of Empire: Socialism, Hobsbawm argues, ultimately fell because, eventually, ” Similarly, “Brazil, a monument to social neglect, had a GNP per capita almost two-and-a-half as large as Sri Lanka inand over six times as large at the end of the 80s.

On the other hand, he is no friend of the Maoist doctrine of perpetual revolution: Hobsbawm has very mixed feelings about the end of the nineteenth-century imperial order, largely because he is no happier with the nation-states that replaced the empires.

As Hobsbawm puts it, “Capitalism had proved far easier to overthrow where it was weak or barely existed than in its heartlands. In Sri Lanka, which had subsidized basic foodstuffs and given free education and health care until the later s, the average newborn could expect to live several years longer than the average Brazilian, and to die as an infant at about half the Brazilian rate inat a third of the Brazilian rate in Denying fascism’s claim to philosophical respectability, Hobsbawm writes: With reference to the contemporary United States at the time of writing he points out, “In58 per cent of all black families in the United States were headed by a single woman and 70 per cent of all children were born to single mothers,” [26] and “In 15 per cent of what was proportionally the largest prison population in the world — prisoners perpopulation — were said to be mentally ill.


Europe,The Age of Capital: The Soviet view was that, both internationally and within each country, post-war politics should continue within the framework of the all-embracing anti-fascist alliance Hobsbawm calls the period from the start of World War I to the fall of the so-called Soviet bloc ” the short twentieth century “, to follow on ” the long 19th century “, the period from the start of the French Revolution in to the start of World War I inwhich he covered in an earlier trilogy of histories The Age of Revolution: This article may rely excessively on sources too closely associated with the subjectpotentially preventing the article from being verifiable and neutral.

Retrieved from ” https: Hobsbawm points out the abysmal record of recent attempts to predict the world’s future. However, he does use youth culture as a lens to view the changes in the late-twentieth-century social order:. According to official Chinese statistics, the country’s population in was Hobsbawm often uses statistics to paint a broad picture of a society at a particular time.

Il secolo breve : Eric J. Hobsbawm :

By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. The percentage of illiteracy in io about twice as great in Brazil as on the Asian island. A militant of the group involved in this mission eventually became prime minister of Israel: Ultimately, in world terms, he sees capitalism being just as much of a failure as state socialism: