FUKUYAMA KONEC DEJIN PDF
IN WATCHING the flow of events over the past decade or so, it is hard to avoid the feeling that something very fundamental has happened in world history. březen Před patnácti lety jsem ve své knize Konec dějin a poslední člověk prohlásil, že chce-li být společnost moderní, neexistuje alternativa k tržnímu. Francis Fukuyama a Samuel Huntington (Konec dějin nebo střet civilizací?) že se nacházíme na konci dějin v důsledku vítězství liberální demokracie jako.
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And in fact men have proven themselves able to endure the most extreme material hardships in the name of ideas that exist in the realm of the spirit alone, be oknec the divinity of cows or the nature of the Holy Trinity. Surely the most remarkable changes have occurred in Asia. There is no struggle or conflict over “large” issues, and consequently no need for generals or statesmen; what remains is primarily economic activity. What we may be witnessing is not just the end of the Cold War, or the passing of a particular kkonec of postwar history, but the fumuyama of history as such: It is precisely this kind of individual and his pursuit of material incentives that is posited as the basis for economic life as such in economic textbooks.
For while there may fkuyama some isolated true believers left in places like Managua, Pyongyang, or Cambridge, Massachusetts, the fact that there is not a single large state in which it is a going concern undermines completely its pretensions to being in fukuyamx vanguard of human history.
Deng has made none of Gorbachev’s promises regarding democratization of the political system and there is no Chinese equivalent of glasnost. Marxist interpretations aside, the economic and social philosophy of Fukuyama can be summarized as Free-Market Libertarian.
For better or worse, much of Hegel’s historicism has become part of our contemporary intellectual baggage. Twenty-five years later, the most serious threat to the end-of-history hypothesis isn’t that there is a higher, better model out there that will someday supersede liberal democracy; neither Islamist theocracy nor Chinese capitalism cuts it.
For the world at that point would be divided between a part that was historical and a part that was post-historical. If your email exists in our system, we’ll send you an email with a link to reset your password. While almost anyone would look good compared to Stalin, drawing so sharp a line between Lenin and his successor is questionable. For the way in which any state defines its national interest is not universal cejin rests on some kind of prior ideological basis, just as we saw that economic behavior is determined by a prior state of consciousness.
The most extreme form of nationalism that any Western European state has mustered since has been Gaullism, whose self-assertion has been confined largely to the realm of nuisance politics and culture.
Masaryk University Faculty of Arts.
We might summarize the content of the universal homogenous state as liberal democracy in the political sphere combined with easy eejin to VCRs and stereos in the economic. Fukuyama predicts that humanity’s control of its own evolution will have a great and possibly terrible effect on liberal democracy. But this phenomenon extends beyond high politics and it can be seen also in the ineluctable spread of consumerist Western culture in such diverse contexts as the peasants’ markets and color television sets now omnipresent throughout China, the cooperative restaurants and clothing stores opened in the past year in Moscow, the Beethoven piped into Japanese department stores, and the rock music enjoyed alike in Prague, Rangoon, and Tehran.
The reform doubled Chinese grain output in only five years, and in the process created for Deng Xiaoping a solid political base from which he was able to deuin the reform to other parts of the economy. It should be clear that in terms of formal institutions, not much has changed in the four years since Gorbachev has come to power: The triumph of the West, of the Western ideais evident first of all in the total exhaustion of viable systematic alternatives to Western liberalism.
Apart from pointing out that capitalist democracies are still riven with poverty, racial tension, and the like, Marxists also reject Fukuyama’s reliance on Hegel. But is it true?
The thesis was defended successfully. And the death of fukyuama ideology means the growing “Common Marketization” of international relations, and the diminution of the likelihood of large-scale conflict between states. The first Asian alternative to liberalism to be decisively defeated was the fascist one represented by Imperial Japan.
In accordance with Title 17 U. But Gorbachev’s tactical requirements should not blind us to the fact that the democratizing and decentralizing principles which he has enunciated in both the economic and political spheres are highly subversive of some of the most fundamental precepts of both Marxism and Leninism. But it is not clear that nationalism rep resents an irreconcilable contradiction in the heart of liberalism.
Dějiny na konci dějin
The dominant civilization decides the form of human government, and these will not be constant. Another challenge to the “end of history” thesis is the growth in the economic and political power of two countries, Russia and China ; China has a one-party state government, while Russia, though formally a democracy, has been described by some as de facto authoritarian.
In the past century, there have been two major challenges to liberalism, those of fascism and of communism. Gorbachev and his lieutenants seem to understand the economic logic of marketization well enough, but like the leaders of a Third World country facing the IMF, are afraid of the social consequences of ending consumer subsidies and other forms of dependence on the state sector.
In the essay and book, Huntington argued that the temporary conflict between ideologies is being replaced by the ancient conflict between civilizations. Our task is not to answer exhaustively the challenges to liberalism promoted by every crackpot messiah around the world, but only those that are embodied in important social or political forces and movements, and which are therefore part of world history.
I can feel in myself, and see in others around me, a powerful nostalgia for the time when history existed. The radical and deformed outgrowth of nineteenth-century imperialism was German fascism, an ideology which justified Germany’s right not only to rule over non-European peoples, but over all non-German ones. Obviously fascist ideologies cannot be universalistic in the sense of Marxism or liberalism, but the structure of the doctrine can be transferred from country to country.
Chinese competitiveness and expansionism on the world scene have virtually disappeared: It has been argued that he might even be a Neoconservative on some points but this has been firmly shot down by him and his use of “ideal” systems which is firmly denounced by many Anarcho-Capitalists of the same rote who believe that no government can be good. This can he measured in any number of ways: But my purpose here is not to analyze events in the short-term, or to make predictions for policy purposes, but to look at underlying trends in the sphere of ideology and consciousness.
The End of History and the Last Man – Wikipedia
But the root causes of economic inequality do not have to do with the underlying legal and social structure of our society, which remains fundamentally egalitarian and moderately redistributionist, so much as with the cultural and social characteristics of the groups that make it up, which are in turn the historical legacy of premodern conditions.
Charles Krauthammer, for example, recently explained that if as a result of Gorbachev’s reforms the USSR is shorn of Marxist-Leninist ideology, its behavior will revert to that of nineteenth century imperial Russia.
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